The Houthis and Losing Deals

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The Khomeini media machine, defending its arms in the region, insists on establishing two matters for all who belong to it; the first is that all the events that occur among its followers, starting from mobilization and recruitment of both young and old, and not ending with the rigging of boats, planting mines, and launching drones, are merely part of political work! Accordingly, they are justified within goals that are sought! Thus, it wants to distinguish its affiliated militias such as the Houthis and 'Hezbollah' from 'ISIS' and 'Al-Qaeda'. This trick comes regularly with the fluidity of the advocacy theory supported in popular occasions and sectarian festivals urging the transformation of life into a vast graveyard, and to equip the energies of all generations with memories of suicide and death, to the extent that the follower is raised to wake up ready to commemorate a dead person, instead of rising to live a useful day.

The second is to resort to political concepts as much as possible in order to evade the labels of terrorism and nihilism, and this is what the terrorist Houthi group aspires to, for example, which tries to invest in the experiences of its predecessors by using political concepts to justify its criminal acts. It is a group that wants to take care of what remains of its tribal status through various tricks, including the game of regional mediation or launching political and legal slogans on international platforms.

Previously, Mr. Yusuf Al-Dini wrote in this newspaper a piece worthy of commentary, titled 'The Yemeni Issue Becomes an International Security Matter'. Al-Dini observed: 'Hussein Al-Houthi himself entered into intellectual disputes while building a new discourse that mixes the movement mobilization known in political Islam currents, and the revolutionary reading of the text that we find some of its features in Sayyid Qutb, along with the terms and slogans produced by the Khomeini revolution... Today, it can be said that the Houthi militia has even surpassed that ideological mixture and has transformed over time into a closed military and lineage structure obsessed with power and willing to pay any price to remain in it, like the Muslim Brotherhood, even through dialogue with Israel. It also seeks to erode the Yemeni Arab and Islamic identity and to reshape society and the state according to a vision that grants it an exceptional right to rule and coercive power.'

I would add that the convergence of Houthi terrorism with fundamentalist groups of various orientations and sects has contributed to covering up some of their terrorism, extending some of their dominance, and even rooting the Houthi terrorist theory within local sectarianism and detailing it in a way that allows the group to grow tribally and mobilize its crowds internally.

The story of the meeting between the Brotherhood and the Houthis, although not understood by the ordinary member of the cadre, is suspiciously unknown to the commentator who claims 'secularism', whether he writes and appears from his European exile or from other capitals that support the Khomeini terrorist rogue situation.

We now see them defending themselves; when the Houthi became satisfied with investing in the Muslim Brotherhood and secured them, he is now trying to generate a 'secular' analytical state through which he can justify his terrorist acts in international circles. This political obfuscation is, of course, ideologically motivated, as was done by 'Hezbollah' in the region, where it allied with the most powerful 'secular' Christian parties, and this party has significantly facilitated the passage of 'Hezbollah's' terrorism through the Gulf and the world.

'Hezbollah' has adopted many artists and political analysts who openly declare atheism. It has granted them significant spaces in its channels and newspapers and has enhanced their presence in the public and official spheres, which is well-known and witnessed.

In summary, the Houthi experience is not political; rather, it has been crafted maliciously within the nihilistic suicidal path that despises its surroundings. The Houthi's attempts to refute his description as a terrorist or to justify the bombing of sacred sites come in the context of an attempt to impose a more cunning and deadly terrorist experience.

While the Houthi previously relied on meeting with traditional fundamentalists, he is now trying to begin his political alliances even with 'secularists' and 'deniers' in exchange for their support in permanently hijacking the Yemeni state.

It is an analytical deal between the Houthis and their new associates that reminds us of the defense by thinkers of Saddam Hussein's occupation of Kuwait; at that time, the late minister Ghazi Al-Qusaibi wrote "In Search of the Intellectual" (!).

Quoted from "Asharq Al-Awsat"