Three Years Since October 7: What Have the Palestinians Achieved and What Have They Lost?

Author: Lieutenant General Ahmed Eissa

As the third anniversary of October 7, 2023 approaches, and Israel launches its war of extermination and ethnic cleansing against the Palestinians, it is not enough to ask whether the Palestinian cause has returned to the forefront of the global agenda; the more difficult question is: Have the Palestinians become closer to freedom and independence and the establishment of the desired state, and are they more capable of protecting their land and people and determining their destiny and future?

The answer requires acknowledging what has been achieved politically, without ignoring the scale of human and national loss.

The accuracy of the answer to this question necessitates examining what the state of 'the Zionist solution to the Jewish question' has achieved, as presented by the Moroccan thinker 'Habib Choubani' in his book titled 'The Jewish Question in the Age of the Deluge,' and what it has lost politically, intellectually, and in the media? For its losses are counted as Palestinian gains, and its profits are counted as losses.

As for the gains achieved by the Palestinians, it is difficult to deny their international presence, as their rights have returned to the heart of political discussions in capitals that previously treated the issue as a file that could be postponed. Additional countries, including France, Britain, Canada, and Australia, have recognized the State of Palestine, and the calls for holding Israel accountable for its crimes in Gaza have expanded, in addition to the growing demands to halt settlement and erasure in the West Bank, as well as the calls for a swift political path to end the occupation.

It should be clarified here that despite the recognition of the state, the state has not established itself on the ground, and despite its presence in international discussions, the war has not stopped, and the fate of Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza has not been resolved.

It is noteworthy here that Palestinian gains go beyond presence and recognition if we add to them the Israeli losses, as the list of Israeli losses shows that Israel, after October 7 and its genocide war on Gaza, has become more isolated, more exposed to hatred, and more responsible for instability and threats to peace and security in the world. Most importantly, the foundations on which the narrative of Jewish victimhood was built have been shaken, weakening the argument of Jews in Israel and abroad in continuing to present themselves as victims of the Holocaust crime. This, in turn, has caused a reversal and transformation in the world's view of Israel, as the perspective shifted from a positive, sympathetic view to a negative, rejecting view of the state's crimes against humanity, revealing the dilemma of the illusion of the eternal validity of the narrative of 'the Zionist solution to the Jewish question.'

It is striking here that this shift in the view of Israel was prominent in Western countries where the Jewish issue or problem emerged and developed in the mid-19th century, which are considered partners in the establishment of Israel, such as Germany, Britain, France, Italy, Spain, and the United States of America. This is according to studies and surveys from Western centers, such as Pew, YouGov, and Gallup, which Israeli security think tanks see as one of the most significant threats to national security.

In Germany, surveys show that the negative view of society towards Israel has reached 65% compared to 21% positive, in Britain 63% compared to 17%, in France 64% compared to 16%, in Italy 67% compared to 15%, and in Spain 68% compared to 13%. As for the United States, the ratio was 42% negative compared to 52% positive.

The above percentages show that the United States is the only country that still protects and defends Israel, and in this regard, both President Trump and Vice President Pence stated that without Washington's support, Israel would cease to exist, which has made the United States a real partner in the crimes of genocide and ethnic cleansing.

One of the most prominent manifestations of this shift in perspective towards Israel was the decision of twelve Western countries, on September 8th, to boycott goods from Israeli settlements, followed by the departure of more than seventy countries from the United Nations General Assembly hall when Netanyahu began his speech last week.

It is considered that a significant number of Jews around the world, especially in the United States, believe that the establishment of the State of Israel as a Zionist solution to the Jewish question was a strategic mistake committed by the Zionist movement against Jews in general; as Jews discovered after October 7th that the Zionist solution moved them from the narrow hatred of the ghettos in Christian Europe to the dangers of the larger ghetto in occupied Palestine. The hatred referred to here is not the hatred of Judaism as a religion, but the hatred of the State of Israel for what it has committed and continues to commit in terms of extermination, killing, and starvation in the 'Gaza Holocaust.'

The youngest Israelis understand that the genocide being waged by Israel against the Palestinians for three consecutive years has revealed a liberating energy among the Palestinians that is impossible to eradicate, and in light of the scenes of extermination, destruction, and starvation, it is no longer conceivable to imagine any possibility of peaceful coexistence without acknowledging the mistake and granting the Palestinians their right to freedom, independence, and statehood.

The collapse of the doctrine of security and deterrence, the economic bleeding, and the failure to achieve absolute victory over the Palestinians are considered strategic losses for Israel that cannot be ignored.

Regarding the gains that Israel has achieved over the past three years, it has proven that it possesses a destructive military power, enabling it to occupy more than 60% of the Gaza Strip and inflict heavy losses on its enemies in the region. However, security think tanks in Israel believe that Israel's national security does not rely solely on military superiority, and importantly, these centers emphasize that all that Israel has achieved in terms of destruction and killing among its enemies on all fronts of the war are fragile tactical achievements.

The list of Palestinian losses begins with human life, as Gaza has paid a heavy price in the lives of its children, their health, education, and homes. Its residents continue to face the effects of destruction, lack of services, and shelter. The United Nations, the European Union, and the World Bank estimated the needs for recovery and reconstruction at about $71.4 billion over ten years. Even after the announcement of a ceasefire in October 2025, the United Nations documented the continued loss of life and the presence of thousands of people in damaged buildings and unsafe housing.

The losses are not limited to Gaza. In the West Bank, the demolition of homes, land confiscation, displacement, and settler terrorism have accelerated, and the restrictions isolating Palestinian communities and pressuring their livelihoods have increased. Thus, the fear for Palestinian land and its parts has become more urgent. The continued political separation between Gaza and the West Bank poses a parallel danger: that the future of each will be discussed in isolation from the other, while the unified Palestinian voice capable of negotiating on behalf of the entire people weakens.

The past three years have revealed the limits of armed strength and diplomacy when each operates without a comprehensive national strategy. Palestinians have managed to keep their cause present, but they have not succeeded in ending the occupation, nor do they yet possess a unified decision regarding governance, security, reconstruction, and political representation. Conversely, the wave of recognitions has proven that diplomatic efforts can open important doors, but they require leadership with legitimacy and institutions capable of transforming international support into actual protection and rights on the ground.

So, what have the Palestinians achieved? They have gained broader recognition of the justice of their cause and placed the question of statehood and occupation on the international agenda. And what have they lost? They have lost a huge number of lives, the foundations of a complete life in Gaza, and their land, institutions, and opportunities for unity have faced unprecedented pressure. Political gains have not yet transformed into sovereignty, security, or freedom.

This is if the accounting is limited to the tactical profits and losses of the Palestinians. However, if the accounting is conducted in the context of the conflict that has lasted for more than a century, the statement shows that the State of Israel, or the state of the Zionist solution to the Jewish question, has deepened the problem instead of solving it, and has entered an unsolvable predicament, as George Friedman argues, transferring the problem from Christian Europe to Palestine, the heart of the Arab Islamic cultural basin, which did not submit to the Mongols when they burned Baghdad and its library, nor to the Crusaders and their wars on the region.

In conclusion, I argue that the third anniversary raises a practical question: How do we build on what has been achieved with its gains and losses to protect what remains, rebuild what has been destroyed, restore the unity of the people and the legitimacy of their representation, and ensure victory over the Zionist solution to the Jewish question?

The answer begins with the belief that the Zionist solution to the Jewish question has reached its end with failure, through the agreement on a non-corrupt Palestinian leadership that is accountable, linking Gaza and the West Bank in a single political project, aware and conscious of the Jewish question and the Zionist solution to it. Only then can international sympathy and recognition be transformed into a tangible gain for the Palestinian in their life.