Al-Houthi and losing deals

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The Khomeini media machine defending its arms in the region insists on confirming two things to everyone who belongs to it: The first is that all the events that are arranged by its followers, starting with the mobilization and recruitment of young and old, and not ending with booby-trapping boats, planting mines, and launching marches, are part of political action! Therefore, it is justified within the goals pursued! In doing so, it wants to distinguish its affiliated militias, such as the Houthis and Hezbollah, from ISIS and Al-Qaeda. This trick comes regularly with the fluidity of advocacy theorizing supported at popular events and sectarian festivals urging to turn life into a vast cemetery, and to supply the energies of all generations with memories of suicide and death, until the follower is trained to wake up ready to commemorate the dead, instead of getting up to live a useful day.

Second: Taking refuge in political concepts as much as possible in order to evade the labels of terrorism and nihilism. This is what the terrorist Houthi group aspires to, for example, which is trying to exploit the experiences of its predecessors by using political concepts in order to justify its criminal actions. It is a group that wants to take care of what remains of its tribal identity with many tricks, including the game of regional mediation or launching slogans of politics and law on international platforms.

Previously, Professor Youssef Al-Dini wrote an article in this newspaper worthy of comment, entitled “The Yemeni issue is turning into an international security issue.” Al-Dini saw: “Hussein Al-Houthi himself entered into intellectual disputes, while he was building a new discourse that combined the dynamic mobilization known by political Islam trends, the revolutionary reading of the text, some of whose features we find in Sayyid Qutb, and the vocabulary and slogans produced by the Khomeini Revolution... Today it can be said that the Houthi militia has surpassed Even that ideological mixture has transformed over time into a closed military and dynastic structure obsessed with power and paying any price to stay in it, like the Muslim Brotherhood, even through dialogue with Israel. It also seeks to bulldoze the Yemeni Arab and Islamic identity and reshape society and the state according to a vision that gives it an exceptional right to rule and coercive power.

I would add that the convergence of Houthi terrorism with fundamentalist groups of all walks of life and sects contributed to covering up some of their terrorism, extending some of their hegemony, and even rooting the Houthi terrorist theory within the local sectarianism and detailing it in a way that allows the group to expand tribally and mobilize its crowds internally.

Although the story of the meeting between the Brotherhood and the Houthis is not understood by the ordinary, affiliated cadre, it is suspicious that the commentator who claims “secularism” ignores it, whether he wrote and appeared from his European exile or from other capitals that support the rogue terrorist Khomeini state.

We see them now struggling. When Al-Houthi has had enough of investing in and among the Muslim Brotherhood, he is now trying to create an analytical “state of secularism” through which he can justify his terrorist acts in international groups. This political obfuscation is of course ideological, as Hezbollah did in the region, where it allied itself with the strongest “secular” Christian parties, and this party contributed strongly to facilitating the passage of “Hezbollah” terrorism in the Gulf and the world.

Hezbollah has embraced many artists and political analysts who profess atheism. He granted them large spaces in his channels and newspapers and strengthened their presence in the popular and official public sphere, and this is well-known and well-known.

Conclusion; The Houthi experience is not political, but rather was formulated with malice within the path of a nihilistic suicidal person who hates his surroundings. As for Al-Houthi’s attempts to refute his description of terrorism, or to justify the bombing of holy sites, they come in the context of an attempt to spread a more insidious and more deadly terrorist experience.

Although Al-Houthi previously sought help from convergence with traditional fundamentalisms, he is now trying to begin his political alliances, even with “secularists” and “deniers,” in exchange for their support for him by hijacking the Yemeni state forever.

It is an analytical deal between Al-Houthi and his new aides that reminds us of intellectuals’ defense of Saddam Hussein’s occupation of Kuwait. At that time, the late Minister Ghazi Al-Gosaibi wrote “In Search of the Intellectual” (!).

Quoted from "Asharq Al-Awsat"