Iran's foreign policy...the foundations of a wrong upbringing

Officially, Iran's foreign policy is led by a set of ideas written in fixed constitutional articles contained in the ruling regime's constitution. These articles are Article 10, Article 152, and Article 154. Article 10 indicates that Iran has an imperative duty, which is to move towards the Islamic world on the basis that the Islamic nation is one nation and that the Iranian government has a duty to formulate its policies according to a view based on uniting Muslims in one state, and that it has a duty to strive to achieve political, economic and cultural unity of Muslims. As for Article 152, it is more specific and says that the policy of the Islamic Republic is based on defending the rights of all Muslims and not allying with great and major powers. As for Article 154, it is concerned with the spread of Iran beyond its political borders on religious grounds, but in an implicit manner that reinforces the notions of exporting the Islamic Revolution abroad. This article states that Iran considers obtaining independence, freedom, and just government as legitimate rights for all peoples of the world, and Iran works with all its effort to activate those rights with all its ability, and is thus responsible for Protecting the just struggle of all the oppressed, oppressed and disadvantaged around the world. These constitutional articles did not remain a written document placed on library shelves. The new ruling regime explicitly declared that it was its duty as an “Islamic regime” to support the national liberation movements of disadvantaged peoples around the world. The Iranian Foreign Minister at the time, Ibrahim Yazdi, explained that liberation movements stem from legitimate internal situations in their homelands, and they want to benefit from the experience ofRevolutionary Iran will not hold back on this and will provide it with material and moral support and all the money, weapons and training it needs to achieve its goals. Iran, in the first days after the fall of the Shah’s regime, was experiencing a revolutionary momentum that lacked balance and political rationality, and in the way its Foreign Minister expressed it, there was no logical distinction between the armed movements that are actually concerned with national liberation issues and the armed gangs that were seeking chaos that would achieve through their presence access to power and revolution. The very idea of exporting the revolution is an idea. The Iranians did not specify what interests they were aiming to achieve through it. The proposal adopted by the Iranian officials at the time may seem elegant and beautiful when heard at first glance, but in reality it is a utopian and delusional proposal. Iran, with all its components, political and social composition, and economic potential, cannot undertake it and fulfill it without this affecting its obligations towards its people, who live in the midst of a spiral of backwardness, poverty, ignorance, and deprivation of all aspects of modern life. The topic of exporting the revolution. From our point of view, this is an issue with internal dimensions rather than a credible issue. This is an inference from what we observed from the beginning in the 1980s. After a number of coup attempts occurred against the turbaned regime with the aim of overthrowing it, Iranian leaders came to the conviction that talking about exporting the revolution is not just ideological ideas, but it can constitute an effective pragmatic process aimed at protecting the revolution at home. This can be done by resorting to political attack abroad and expanding the revolution’s influence on the country.The external level. This fact was later confirmed by Ali Khamenei when he was President of the Republic when he said in November 1983 that if the Iranian public was occupied with exporting the revolution abroad, there would be a benefit to keeping the revolution at home, and thus it would not become infiltrated and would remain immune. The hadith is relevant. Emirati writer