Independence from Iran...liberation from Israel
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New Face 24
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The facts have proven that Lebanon is under direct Iranian colonialism, and Naim Qassem’s acknowledgment of the presence of the Commander of the Quds Forces in Lebanon in the operations room with former Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah and their killing together was nothing but certain confirmation of the presence of the Iranian occupation forces on Lebanese territory and their leadership of military operations, not only against the Israeli occupation forces, but rather their leadership of military and political coups inside Lebanon, and their negotiation on behalf of Lebanon, as happened in the maritime border demarcation agreement with Israel, when Tehran negotiated The "American-Israeli" party was in Beirut and arrested in Baghdad, which is what Tehran is trying to impose by forcing Lebanon into the torn Iranian-American paper of understanding.
The abuse that Iran carried out against the people and the state in Lebanon was no different from what it did in Syria, Iraq, and Yemen. It turned its money and weapons into political, security, and financial power, through which it penetrated all the positions of the state, and extended its octopus hand to parties and religious authorities, until it reached its climax in the alliance of illegal weapons with corruption during the reign of Michel Aoun.
After the fall of Hassan Nasrallah and the leaders of the first ranks of Hezbollah, the leadership of the Revolutionary Guard in Lebanon took over the reins of the party in all details and in all directions, so that Iranian hegemony became more and more entrenched. Had it not been for the intervention of the Guard, the party would not have been able to regain the weak presence it achieved after the crushing defeats it suffered. The impact of Muhammad Raad’s claim that what happened to the party is “the result of some partial tactical defect that We practiced it or were exposed to it.” This is a terrible dichotomy that reaches the worst levels of political hallucination.
The Lebanese government announced that it rejects the presence of the Revolutionary Guard forces in Lebanon, through the words of Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, but the Iranian penetration of the security services was deeper and more dangerous than what occurred to President Salam, as passports had been flowing to Iranian Guard officers and experts for decades and without limits.
Today, as the picture is revealed: an Iranian occupation wants to continue to confiscate Lebanon’s decision through the Islamabad card, and its party is aggressive in overthrowing the Lebanese-Israeli negotiating track under American auspices, so that Tehran remains alone in the Lebanese decision, which is what records for the state that it has been able to establish the direct negotiation channel and has determined the path and goal: Lebanon’s independence from the Iranian occupation and the liberation of the country from the Israeli occupation.
Hence, the government must enter into negotiations for independence and liberation with complete clarity, and meetings with Iranian officials, including the meeting of Prime Minister Nawaf Salam and Foreign Minister Youssef Raji with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and his Foreign Minister Abbas Araqji, must be governed by three conditions for establishing diplomatic relations with Iran:
- Withdrawal of Iranian colonial forces (Revolutionary Guards) from Lebanon.
- Stopping financial and military support for Hezbollah.
Iran stops trying to dominate the Lebanese decision in its negotiations with the American administration, confirming Minister Raji’s statement regarding Iran: Decisions related to Lebanon are purely Lebanese matters.
Hezbollah has fallen into complete isolation. All that remains with it are the pieces of political baggage and rusty activists. Representatives and agencies of the state were absent from attending the anniversary of Nasrallah’s killing. Mutual pushback has become the dominant position between the party’s leaders and Gebran Bassil, and this is the result of clumsy policies that have ruined the country for those in it.
What confirms this isolation is the silent revolution carried out by the people of the southern villages, including supporters of the Amal Movement, when they began expelling the party’s members from their towns and villages. This is a transformation whose importance cannot be underestimated in terms of the Shiites’ awakening to the dangers of the party’s presence in their areas. The incident of raising the Iranian flag in the town of Houmin al-Fawqa goes beyond just being a flag issue, as it reflects a broader feeling within the Shiite community that rejects Iranian influence.
The collapse in Hezbollah's ranks accelerated and Nasrallah's legacy was scattered at the hands of Naeem Qassem with his poor performance. The irony is that if Nasrallah, with his history, presence, and influence, was unable to swallow Lebanon, will Qassem, who is unable to control Wafiq Safa and his boys, be able to control political life in Lebanon?
Today, Hezbollah lives on the remnants of its influence in the deep state, and benefits from the intersection of interests between it and those who do not want this black state to fall, but it is only a matter of time, because the head of the guardian jurist in Tehran is in a state of mental and political concussion, and at its best it will not be able to restore its external balance, as Iran needs fifty years to rebuild what was destroyed by the adventures and follies of its non-jurist guardian.
Quoted from “Call of the Nation”
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